Under Special Government permits, "decontaminated" radioactive metal is being sold to manufacture everything from knives, forks, and belt buckles to zippers, eyeglasses, dental fillings, and IUDs. The Department of energy (DOE), the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), and the radioactive metal processing industry are pushing for new regulations and that would relax current standards and dispense with the need for special radioactive recycling licensing. By one estimate, the DOE disposed of 7,500 tons of these troublesome metals in 1996 alone. The new standard being sought would allow companies to recycle millions of tons of low-level radioactive metal a year while raising the acceptable levels of millirems (mrems), a unit of measure that estimates the damage radiation does to human tissue. By the NRC's own estimate, the proposed
standards could cause 100,000 cancer fatalities
in the United States alone.
Metal companies want
to raise the standard from an almost unmeasurable amount to something more in the vicinity of 10 mrems per year. The NRC studies the health effects of that exact standard back in 1990 and found that this dosage would
lead to about 92,755 additional cancer deaths
in the United States alone. According to Progressive reporter Cusac, some Scientists argue that exposure to continual low-dose radiation is potentially more dangerous than a one-time, high-level dose. She cites Steve Wing, epidemiologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill: "The cancer curve rises more steeply at low doses than high doses." Richard Clapp, associate professor in the department of environmental health at the Boston University School of Public Health, says that the greatest threat comes from those household products with which you have the most contact, where "you're sitting on it
or if it's part of your desk, or in the frame of your bed - where you have constant exposure for several hours.
While the DOE waits for new standards to be released, says Cusac, "hot metal" is being marketed to other countries. Three major U.S. oil companies (Texaco, Mobil, and Phillips) shipped 5.5 million pounds of radioactive scrap metal to China in 1993. In June 1996, chinese officials stopped a U.S. shipment of 78 tons of radioactive scrap metal that exceeded China's safety limit, some of it by 30-fold.& nbsp; As of January 1998, 178 buildings in Taiwan containing 1,573 residential apartments, had been identified as radioactive.
Radioactive recycled metal has shown up in domestic markets as well. When a Buffalo, New York television station offered to survey suspect gold jewelry in the 1980's it turned up three radioactive pieces in the first two days which
prompted the New York State health Department to begin a comprehensive campaign to find radioactive, contaminated jewelry. According to the journal, Health Physics, in 1986, out of more than 160,000 pieces surveyed, 170 pieces were radioactive. News accounts reported that at least
14 people had developed finger cancer
and several more had fingers and even parts of their hands amputated because of "hot" jewelry.
"This is not a glamorous industry," said Tom Gilman, government accounts manager for U.S. Ecology, which buys, cleans, and resells low-level radioactive scrap metal. Most of it comes from commercial sites, but some comes from DOE.
U.S. Ecology "scrubs" and sells it as clean scrap. From there the metal travels to a steel mill and enters the general consumer market. Gilman claims that U.S. Ecology is "turning waste into assets." He is careful to add, however, that the metal his company is recycling
into the metal stream isn't completely clean. "'Acceptable'
levels is the word to use," he explains, "There's always going to be some level
of radioactivity."
Update
by Author: Anne-Marie Cusac
|
"The recycling of radioactive metal into household products could pose a serious public-health threat in the coming century. The radioactive metal recycled from decommissioned nuclear reactors in the United States alone could number in the millions of tons. But by the NRC's own estimate, even an exposure standard of 10 millirems a year (the standard favored by the radioactive metal industry) would lead to 92,755 cancer deaths in the United States alone.
"Since my story was published, the commerce in hot metals has been proceeding briskly. In mid-September, Nuclear Waste News reported: 'Western authorities are growing increasingly concerned about illegal trafficking in radioactive scrap metal from Russia and other former Communist states.' According to the article, the contaminated metal, 'most of which comes from decommissioned nuclear power stations, radiation monitoring equipment, and waste containers, is finding its way into metal products, including household items in Europe.' The International Atomic Energy Agency says that the problem is growing, partly as a result of the recent fall in the value of the ruble, and that some of the metal is 'going even further afield.'
"One new development suggests that radioactive metal recyclers in the United States are looking toward hot metal imports as a big moneymaker. In September (1997), the Nuclear Regulatory Commission issued a license to Allied Technology Group of Richland, Washington. The license gives that company permission to import approximately 1.5 million pounds of 'radioactive scrap tubing and tube plate' from the Taiwan Power Company's Chinshan Nuclear Power Station for the purposes of 'decontamination and recovery of the metal for recycling,' say James Kennedy, senior project manager in the division of Waste Management at the NRC. Shipments should begin (began) in February, 1998.
"Meanwhile, the NRC is working on the development of a new standard that could allow for a huge increase in the amount of radioactive metal allowed into consumer goods. The Commission plans to solicit public comment on the issue beginning next August (of 1999? It must be a small calling. Anyone hear about this?) "But the public has little idea that radioactive metal could be turning up in frying pans and belt buckles. The mainstream media has not covered this issue. Such a lapse of this important health issue effectively blocks public monitoring of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission"
Nuclear News
Nuclear Waste Disposal, and Internally Planted Nuclear Bombs by Illuminati Operatives.
U.
S. National Cancer Institute
Fails to Share Evidence on Cancer Risks
Violations
of the National Cancer Act
The U. S. National Cancer Institute (NCI)
has instant access to the media, Public Relations operations, and close
contacts with Congress. Fully utilizing these outreach resources NCI
issues a prodigious ongoing stream of information, press releases,
databases, and public educational materials. The latter include the
Comprehensive Public Cancer Database System dealing with screening,
diagnosis, clinical research, and the latest claimed advances in
treatment. In sharp contrast, NCI makes little or no effort to warn the
public of well-documented risks, based on experimental and/or
epidemiological evidence, from unknowing exposure to a wide range of
industrial carcinogens, including those in consumer products, food,
cosmetics, toiletries, and household products. As importantly, the
National Cancer Institute has also failed to warn of potential carcinogenic
risks on the basis of incomplete or suggestive, although not definitive,
evidence and also to direct high priority to research and advocacy on
such risks. Such failure disregards fundamental principles of public
health and the scientific basis of the Precautionary Principle. This
mandates the categorical responsibility of industry to provide
unequivocal evidence on the safety of any new candidate product or process
before its introduction into commerce, thereby ensuring that it does not
pose potential or recognized human or environmental risks.
Denial of
Citizens"™ Right-to-Know
The U. S. National Cancer Institute has not
attempted to develop a registry of avoidable carcinogenic exposures,
including body burden data (p. 19), and make it available to the public.
This is in striking contrast to the extensive user-friendly public
educational outreach programs of NCI and ACS on cancer treatment and
screening. Until such a registry becomes available, in the absence of an
acute emergency, patients should specifically request full documentation
on the risks of any drug, available in the Warnings and Precautions section
of the annual Physicians Desk Reference. This is also in striking
contrast to the misleading May 1998 response by past NCI Director Klausner
to a question by Congressman Obey whether NCI"™s Cancer Information
Service provides the public with a registry of avoidable carcinogens. NCI"™s
silence effectively denies U.S. citizens of their fundamental democratic
Right-to-Know of information on avoidable causes of a wide range of
cancers which could empower them to reduce their own risks of disease and
death. In this, the cancer establishment appears to make common cause
with the chemical industry.
This longstanding denial of citizens"™
Right-to-Know impacts disproportionately on low income black and other
ethnic minorities, besides raising serious concerns on environmental
justice. These population sub-groups are at particularly high risk in
view of their general discriminatory location near petrochemical plants,
hazardous waste sites, municipal incinerators, and nuclear reactors.
However, the cancer establishment has rarely, if ever, undertaken
epidemiological cluster analyses of claimed excess incidences of a wide
range of cancers in such communities, let alone investigate their
relation to local exposure to industrial carcinogens.
The cancer
establishment"™s denial of Right-to-Know extends to failure to provide
Federal and State agencies with scientific data on carcinogenicity on
which regulatory decisions are critically based, claiming that this is not
their responsibility. However, regulatory agencies are charged with a
wide range of other responsibilities. They also lack the authority and
wealth of scientific and educational resources specifically directed to
cancer which are heavily invested in the cancer establishment;
regulatory agencies are also susceptible to industry lobbying and, more
importantly, pressure from pro-industry administrations. Most
critically, NCI and ACS have rarely, if ever, provided such data to
Congress as a necessary basis for developing appropriate legislation and
regulatory authority, apart from failing to inform the public-at-large
(12, 34).
It should be stressed that NCI's silence on primary cancer
prevention is in violation of the 1971 National Cancer Act's specific charge
"to disseminate cancer information to the public." This silence is in
further denial of the 1988 Amendments to the National Cancer Program (Title
42, Sec. 285A), which call for "an expanded and intensified research
program for the prevention of cancer caused by occupational or environmental
exposure to carcinogens."
The silence of the ACS and its track
record on primary prevention (Appendix V) is in contrast to their
misleading claims for advocacy, as emphasized in its Cancer Facts and
Figures 2002: "Cancer is a political, as well as medical, social,
psychological, and economic issue. Every day, legislators make decisions
that impact the lives of millions of Americans who have been touched by
cancer. To affect those decisions positively, the Society has identified
advocacy as part of its mission and as one of its top corporate
priorities, and works nationwide to promote beneficial policies, laws, and
regulations for those affected by cancer."
Avoidable causes fall into
four categories, posing widely differing types of empowerment, ranging
from the personal to political:
Consumer products: NCI and ACS have
failed to inform the public of available information on common
carcinogenic ingredients and contaminants in food, cosmetics and toiletries,
and household products. They have also failed to provide such
information to Congress, and to urge regulatory agencies to require
explicit identification and warning labels for all such carcinogens. Such
market place pressures would then enable consumers to boycott those
industries marketing unsafe products in favor of socially responsible
businesses, which are increasingly marketing safer products.
Medical:
A wide range of carcinogenic drugs are commonly prescribed to patients in
the absence of legally-required informed consent, and of any safe
alternatives. The cancer establishment has failed to systematize such
information and circulate it to all physicians and the public, and to
recommend explicit warning labels on all carcinogenic drugs. Patients should
thus request their physicians to provide them with any such evidence
(experimental and epidemiological) of cancer risks, as identified in the
Warnings and Precautions section of the annual Physicians Desk Reference
(PDR). For drugs so identified, patients should request available
non-carcinogenic alternatives.
There is now strong evidence that
allegedly "low dose" ionizing radiation from diagnostic procedures,
particularly CT scans and fluoroscopy, poses significant risks of cancer.
These risks are avoidable, as average doses can be substantially reduced
without any loss of image quality. Emergencies apart, patients should
seek radiologists who are increasingly practicing dose-reduction imaging
procedures.
Environmental: The cancer establishment has failed to
collate and systematize avoidable information on carcinogenic contaminants
in air and water on an ongoing basis, and to make this readily available
to the public (12). This information has now become available, at
community and zip code locations, in the Environmental Defense"™s
Scorecard (p. 17). Such information would enable activist citizen groups
to take political action at the state level in efforts to reduce these
carcinogenic exposures. It should be stressed that neither NCI nor ACS
have considered, let alone initiated, epidemiological analyses to
investigate possible cancer clusters in highly polluted
communities.
Occupational: There is substantial information on a wide
range of carcinogenic products and processes to which some 11 million men
and 4 million women are exposed (12). While industries employing more
than 10 workers are required, by the Occupational Safety and Health
Administration, to supply them with Material Safety Data Sheets, such
information is generally inadequate and often misleading. While some
unions take aggressive action to reduce occupational carcinogenic
exposure, this is by no means the rule. Furthermore, plants employing
less than 10 workers, generally lower socio-economic ethnic minorities,
are virtually exempt from any such protective measures. Again, NCI and
ACS should systematize such information and make it fully available to
unions and workers on a national basis.
Finally, the cancer
establishment's massive funding of a nationwide network of research
institutes and hospitals virtually ensures the silence or reticence of
their captive epidemiologists and other scientists on primary
prevention. These constraints were strikingly exemplified in a
widely-publicized May 2002 Public Broadcasting Service television report,
<https://www.pbs.org/now/transcript/transcript117_full.html>Kids
and Chemicals, on the relationship between chemical exposures and
childhood cancer, and other diseases. The program featured
well-qualified experts, some funded by the cancer establishment, who
expressed strong concerns while misleadingly stressing the inadequacy of
current information. One stated: "We suspect that children who are
exposed to pesticides are at greater risk of childhood cancer than other
children. But mostly we don't know." Another claimed: "We have a very
serious lack of information of how to go about preventing these
diseases, because we haven't had enough information." For these
reasons, the experts called for a "śNational Children's Study"ť over the
next 20 years at a cost of $50 million annually. However, this proposal
trivialized substantial and longstanding available scientific information
on avoidable causes of childhood cancer, of which the public still
remains uninformed by the cancer establishment. Additionally, no mention was
made of the primary responsibility of the NCI and ACS, whose funding is
more than adequate, to undertake further research on avoidable causes of
childhood cancer.
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CONTACT:
Cancer Prevention Coalition University
of Illinois at Chicago School of Public Health 2121 W. Taylor St., MC
922 Chicago, IL 60612
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